Will it work this time?
Source: By Nayakara Veeresha: Deccan Herald
On January 27, a tripartite agreement was signed between the Government of India, the Government of Assam and all the groups of the National Democratic Front of Bodoland (NDFB) known as “The Comprehensive Bodo Settlement Agreement (TCBSA). The agreement is the third of its kind, following the 1993 and 2003 accords. The accord is critical for (i) bringing a climax to the three decades of armed conflict specifically for the separate statehood demand popularly known as Bodoland by the Boros of Assam; (ii) A special development package of Rs 1,500 crore to empower the Bodoland Territorial Council (BTC); (iii) the ongoing protests and its politics around Citizenship (Amendment) Act, 2019, and the failure of the National Register of Citizens (NRC); and (iv), its potential to usher in peace.
Set in this context, it is necessary to understand and explore the possibility of peace that the TCBSA brings in to facilitate the development of the region. In the wake of the failures of the 1993 and 2003 agreements to end the armed insurrection, the current pact has been termed “historic” by Union Home Minister Amit Shah. There is a positive vibe around the accord as it envisions the reorganisation of the districts and extends more political powers to the BTC under the purview of the Sixth Schedule (Article 244 (2)) of the Constitution.
The accord is a comprehensive one consisting of 25 different sections ranging from culture, language, development assistance, trade and commerce and other significant areas concerning the welfare of the Bodo people through BTC. Among these, only some of the critical provisions which can truly improve the standard of living among the Boro community are taken into consideration here. The focus is on its implications for building and sustaining peace. In theory, the provisions on adequate representation of the BTC in the state Planning Board/Commission to ensure adequate fund allocation and internal revenue generation will provide financial autonomy to the BTC.
Another key provision is the establishment of a commission to look into the matters of indigenous land rights. It states that the commission is empowered within the ambit of Boroland Land Policy Framework. One of the main reasons for the Bodo people’s demand for separate statehood is the threat to their language, culture and tradition posed by non-Bodos and other illegal migrants in the state. Towards this objective, the accord made provisions for the inclusion of Boro language in the Eighth Schedule of the Constitution and will be given ‘official language’ status within the jurisdiction of BTC. There will also be centres for folklore studies and research to promote and preserve Bodo culture and identity.
The grant of Scheduled Tribe (ST) status to Boros/Boro Kacharis of Karbi Anglong autonomus district, the reservation of seats in the local bodies and state Assembly are provisions meant for the political empowerment of the Bodo people. A delimitation committee consisting of BTC representatives is to reconstitute the local, Assembly and Parliamentary constituencies within the territory of BTC. Some 65% of the seats are reserved for ST and the remaining 35% are open to all other categories. The Boroland Public Service Commission (BPSC) is the competent authority to recruit Group I and II officers.
The accord departs from the earlier agreements in two significant ways. One, it is understood that all the insurgent groups have dropped the demand for separate statehood permanently. This is signified by their laying down arms, signaling the end of armed conflict, at least on paper as of now. The challenge lies with the Union and state governments on how best they work together to sustain these two critical aspects of the accord.
Justice or Peace
John Rawls in his works “The Law of Peoples” and “A Theory of Justice” says that justice, in general, and political and economic justice, in particular, are the two prerequisites for achieving lasting or sustainable peace, be it at the global level or within nations. The insurrection of the Bodo people for the demand of separate statehood is reflective of their just aspirations and genuine concerns. As far as the TCBSA is concerned, provisions for political justice and economic empowerment have been made.
The reservation of seats in the local government institutions and the Assembly, provisions for safeguarding the Bodo culture, identity, language and tradition, and the ST status are signifiers of civic and political liberties. The opening of higher education institutes, research centres, establishment of a sports university constitute the components of economic empowerment. One of the missing links in the accord is the lack or absence of provisions pertaining to distributive justice, i.e., distribution of wealth and income to achieve equity and equality.
By and large, the TCBSA has all the elements of Rawlsian political and economic justice framework. The question is, to what extent the implementing agencies will deliver that justice to the Bodo people? What if the Bodo people do not get a sense of justice out of this pact? The Union and state governments have a huge challenge on their hands in facilitating the institutions of governance to deliver the promises made in the TCBSA.
All said and done whether peace is the precursor of justice or justice is the catalyst for peace-making depends on various factors, such as cultural, social, economic, political and the capacities of the governing and governed people. If those governing earn the trust and cooperation of the governed, then the job of governance becomes effective and efficient. Let us hope that the Union, along with state government of Assam, strives to gain the trust of the insurgents who have given up their demand for separate statehood to pave the way for democratic peace.
